New York Times
A president who can’t get over resentment even when there is good news
This was one of the most significant weeks of President Donald Trump’s term: health workers across the country began receiving the COVID-19 vaccine that could save their lives. On Capitol Hill, lawmakers came close to approving a financial assistance agreement to avoid a deeper recession. And on Friday, federal regulators authorized a second vaccine, but Trump was absent for much of those events. Vice President Mike Pence was the one who took part in a call with the country’s governors on December 14 to announce the arrival of a “medical miracle” and who received the vaccine from Pfizer at the end of the week live on television. Legislative leaders were the ones who worked late into the night to draft a stimulus agreement, which was finalized on Sunday. Meanwhile, Trump led a Twitter attack on Republicans for not helping him undo the election results, and he himself warned Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell, the majority leader in the Senate, to be “tougher or you will no longer have a party.” Republican “. By the end of the weekend, the president was considering appointing a lawyer – who became notorious for spreading conspiracy theories – as a special adviser to investigate election fraud, for which there is no evidence. He also asked his advisers how to apply martial law and minimized a massive hack that his own secretary of state attributed to Russia. Rarely has the leader of an American political party tried so hard to sow fear in the hearts of his allies, but so little to combat the challenges facing the country in its last days in office. Far from presenting Pfizer and Moderna’s vaccine progress as evidence of private sector ingenuity and innovation – along with conservative belief – it focused on threatening Republicans who dared to recognize Joe Biden as This duality in president’s behavior – acting as a spectator while other leaders respond to a crisis and, at the same time, a dispute against Republicans who have distanced themselves from him – it is also a look at the role he will assume after leaving the presidency. He was not interested in the debates that await the Republicans, to seek the party’s electoral health or to become the promoter of the United States’ recovery. Instead, he seems more determined to use his political platform to hold personal vendettas and provoke a sense of discontent among voters, whom he has long cultivated as a fan base. Utah Republican Sen. Mitt Romney said the President’s anger did not allow him to see his last and greatest opportunity to polish his legacy: to visit vaccine distribution sites and clinics to highlight the possibility of hope after nine months of national misery. “The president could have used this as a hallmark of his last days in office,” he said. “Instead, he has been seen promoting conspiracy theories and baseless accusations that make him look like a painful loser.” Some Republicans predict that this will have a silver line later, especially those who have largely eluded Trump’s anger. They believe the president’s departure could allow Republicans to address some of the issues that have arisen. proved effective in lower office races last month, while depriving Democrats of their most trusted bastard. In this rosy vision, lawmakers may be cautious in public to avoid Trump’s anger, but privately continue to do their job as usual, assuming Trump’s attention will never focus on an issue for long. while exaggerating the alleged excesses of the left. “When Trump leaves office, he will focus less on his personality and the questions, ‘What did I tweet today? What did he say today?'” Republican Sen. John Cornyn of Texas predicted, adding that hopefully Democrats will will soon face internal divisions in a “kind of Tea Party” similar to the one Republicans faced a decade ago, with South Carolina Republican Senator Lindsey Graham even shorter in her argument. that the democratic left would alienate moderate voters. “Our problem is tone; their problem is politics, “Graham said of the two parties.” We both have problems to overcome, but I think we have a better chance of succeeding because we can act better and it is more difficult for them to legislate otherwise. ” However, if the landscape of the Senate’s idealistic perch shows this, there is little evidence that Trump and his divisive image will disappear as party forces, and in recent times Republicans have struggled to verbalize what. represents the party in addition to loyalty to Trump.The current US president has never set a set of plans for a second term and in recent years no one else has measured to develop an affirmative vision of the party. also exposed serious ideological gaps among Republicans over the government’s role in supporting grieving Americans.Now it seems likely that the last major Trump presidency legislation will not come from the White House, but from Capitol Hill bipartisan coalitions that have filled the leadership vacuum in Washington One of those coalitions, an informal group of centrists in the House Representatives and the Senate have paved the way for the winter rescue deal for individuals. While Trump Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin was intermittently in talks, the final agreement announced Sunday was concluded by congressional leaders. On the other hand, lawmakers on both sides rejected Trump’s demands to use an annual military policy law to remove technology companies from certain legal protections, raising the possibility that Trump’s latest legislative battle would end in his veto. is canceled for the first time. Scott Jennings, a Republican strategist close to McConnell, said Trump wasted the opportunity to define the end of his presidency. “A lot of positive things could happen in his last days in office whether he likes it or not,” Jennings said. “I would consider taking as much credit as possible. I could pass many of these laws and be part of the process.” Jennings said Trump’s absence during the vaccine launch was particularly puzzling. “I would have had the presidential plane parked on the Louisville runway waiting for that plane instead,” Jennings said, referring to the arrival of Pfizer. However, Trump has always been stronger when launching attacks against Republicans and Democrats alike. As one of his most prominent critics pointed out, if the president continues to play the role of troll-in-chief, he will cast a huge shadow over the Republican Party. “If you want to be very active and appear on TV every day and be the voice that will attack the Biden government, then it will impose the vision of the Republican Party for the next four years and maybe beyond,” Romney said. The New York Times. (C) 2020 The New York Times Company