In Azerbaijan, winning the war in Nagorno-Karabakh was easier than reconciliation with Armenia

“It’s not possible,” she said. They “came to our land and our children are dead because of them.”

For years, Azerbaijan and Armenia have faced problems with their conflicting claims to Nagorno-Karabakh. The enclave is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, but has been controlled by ethnic Armenians for nearly three decades.

Last autumn, Azerbaijani forces regained control of the territory. A subsequent armistice brokered by Russia in November aimed to end the dispute over the mountain enclave.

But the magnitude of the losses on both sides and the deep-seated enmity make it difficult to cross and rebuild the shattered province, leaving it as a box not only for Azerbaijan and Armenia, but for the broader stability of Moscow’s traditional domain in the South Caucasus.

About 2,855 Azerbaijani soldiers were killed during the six weeks of fighting that broke out on September 27, according to the country’s Ministry of Defense. More than 100 remain unrated. Armenian authorities say more than 3,000 of their troops were killed, while the total number of civilian casualties was about 150, according to official accounts in Armenia and Azerbaijan.

“There have been many tragedies on both sides. The wounds are very deep, “said Natig Jafarli, an Azerbaijani opposition politician who leads a research organization he says has worked to establish contacts between Azerbaijanis and Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, in order to encourage some action. reconciliation.

Each side blames the other for triggering the conflict last autumn, and although both are former Soviet republics, they are divided by culture, religion and loyalty to the region’s great powers. Azerbaijan is allied with Turkey, while Armenia shares strong ties with Russia, which maintains military bases there.

The conflict over who should control Nagorno-Karabakh, around the size of Delaware, could also resurface if the two sides fail to build bridges between them.

Many Armenians have already called on Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to resign because he accepted the armistice, condemning it as an act of capitulation. Members of the Armenian diaspora in the US, Europe and elsewhere have warned Azerbaijan to grant equal rights and protection to Armenians who may choose to return to areas now under Azerbaijani control.

Azerbaijani officials accuse Armenian forces of using banned bombs against Azerbaijani cities, such as Barda, during last autumn’s conflict, a statement backed by a recent Amnesty International report.

Each side accuses the other of continuing to ill-treat prisoners of war. Both reject the other’s claims.

Hikmet Hajiyev, chief policy adviser to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, acknowledged that finding common ground is a challenge, but the two sides have already agreed to work together to revitalize Nagorno-Karabakh’s shaky economy and strengthen trade ties. and rail, an important component of the peace deal. The deputy prime ministers of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia are expected to meet in Moscow on Saturday to begin talks.

“In any military operation, winning a war is sometimes much easier than winning peace,” Mr Hajiyev said.

Ali Hajizade, a political analyst in Baku, said that without reconciliation between Azerbaijanis and ordinary Armenians, a lasting peace would be impossible. “This is an achievable goal, but this is not possible now,” he said.

Azerbaijan seems to have the advantage of the peace process. Partly funded by oil wealth, its military capability is far superior to that of Armenia. The recovery of the territory lost to Armenia during the collapse of the Soviet Union has long been a goal for its leaders, and the enthusiasm for its territorial gains in Nagorno-Karabakh is palpable.

The holidays have spread in Azerbaijan since the armistice was signed, and local media still boast of its triumph. At the immigration and baggage halls at Baku International Airport, signs hanging on the walls and above passport inspection booths greet passengers arriving with the statement: “Karabakh is ours. Karabah is Azerbaijan. ”

“In the last 30 years, Azerbaijan’s social life, economic life, foreign policy, that’s what it’s called, everything has been dedicated to one problem – Nagorno-Karabakh,” said Ahmad Alili, director of the Caucasus Policy Analysis Center. independent think tank in Baku.

Those who lost their loved ones in the conflict, however, are eager not to see their past sacrifice overlooked, while the two countries begin to work for lasting peace, he warns.

“The only thing left for the parents or wife of a fallen soldier is that the name of his son or husband is not forgotten,” said Mr Alili.

During her last telephone conversation with her son, Ms. Budaqova told her to be careful. He told them that, the day before their phone call, 20 soldiers were killed around the Azeris in Fizuli, a district that Azerbaijan had recaptured. Mr Budaqov went there to help secure the area before their bodies could be collected.

While the artillery fire was raining, he was caught in a crossfire. A bullet broke an artery in his leg and bled, he told his mother.

She and her sister mourn their loss in the living room, which serves as an altar to Mr. Budaqov. Posters with his picture hang on the outer gate and on the railings, as do other families who lost children in the war. The interior walls are covered with photo collages about when he was a child and when he first joined the army. His image adorns the face of a wall clock, which hangs next to one of his first army uniforms.

She was not afraid to go to the front, Ms Budaqova said, adding that she believed the war would be worthwhile if Azerbaijan regained the lost land.

“But if my son was still here, it would be much better,” she said.

Write to Ann M. Simmons at [email protected]