Conversation
The French line over the mosque is not simply about state funding – it is deep in Islamophobia and French secularism
The storm over the construction of the great mosque in Strasbourg began a long time ago. Frederick Florin / AFP via Getty Images Among the anti-Muslim slogans discovered sprayed in an Islamic community center in western France on the morning of April 11, 2021, was a reference to a mosque that has not yet been built. “EELV = Traitors” read the graffiti message, along with others, including “No to Islamization” and references to the Crusades. It was spray-painted on an Islamic center in Rennes, but its target was the main green party in Strasbourg (EELV), whose members voted on March 22 to subsidize the construction of the Eyyub Sultan Mosque – also known as the Great Mosque in Strasbourg – with a grant of EUR 2.5 million (US $ 3 million), or 10% of the total costs. The construction of what should be the largest mosque in Europe – and in particular the role of the state in its financing – has caused controversy for several reasons. French Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin condemned Strasbourg’s decision, citing potential “foreign interference”. His concerns relate to the leadership of the future mosque – the French branch of the Turkish-based Islamic confederation Milli Görüs, an Islamic political organization for the Turkish diaspora in Europe. A man is praying in the Islamic center of Rennes, which was subjected to racist graffiti two days before the holy month of Ramadan. Jean-Francois Monier / AFP via Getty Images His vote and reaction also follow a series of measures imposed in France under the guise of consolidating secularism and eliminating radicalization – some critics say are unfairly targeting the country’s Muslim population. and contributes to a climate of Islamophobia. This includes the draft law on French republican principles, which was adopted by the French Senate on April 12, 2021, with the text of stricter regulations on Muslim clothing and places of worship. So where does the Strasbourg mosque controversy fit into all this? Is it motivated by geopolitical concerns and the fear of an Islamist threat? Does it only reflect the confusion about state funding for religion in France? Or is it simply an extension of broader debates about how Islam fits into French secularism? My research on the politics of religion, secularism, Islam and pluralism in France over the last 10 years suggests that it is most likely a mixture of all these factors. Financing of religious buildings A contributing factor to the controversy over the Strasbourg mosque is the confusion of French laws restricting the financing of places of worship. In particular, the laws on the separation of the state church or the “laws of secularism” do not apply equally to all French territories. In 1905, when the church and the state were officially separated, certain territories were exempted, such as Guyana, where the Catholic Church remains the only recognized religion. At that time, the French region of Alsace-Moselle – where Strasbourg is located – was part of Germany. When France regained territory in 1918, the region negotiated an exception to the 1905 law, choosing instead to remain under the 1802 Concordat, which officially recognized certain religions – though not Islam – and allowed direct state subsidies for places of worship. . As such, Strasbourg officials are entitled to finance the mosque or any other house of worship, as long as they comply with local laws that limit funding to 10% of construction costs. But just because it’s legal doesn’t mean the movement is popular. In a 2021 survey conducted by the French Institute of Opinion and Marketing Studies (IFOP), more than two-thirds of respondents said they oppose all public funding of religious buildings or ministries. This number increases to almost 79% when it comes to Islamic centers. Specifically, 85% of the total French population opposed state funding for the Strasbourg mosque, with 79% of Alsace-Moselle residents opposing the measure. Geopolitical fears Such opposition did not form in a vacuum – the mosque’s controversy comes amid broader political debates over foreign intervention and the encouragement of a “French Islam” that conforms to what is perceived as a national identity. One of the main arguments against the mosque comes from the affiliation of its leaders with Turkey-based Milli Görüs. Milli Görüs’ French branch is one of the few Muslim organizations in France that has refused to sign the recent statute of state-imposed principles of Islam in France. The authors of the book, the French Council of the Muslim Religion (CFCM), together with the French government that initiated its formulation, say it serves as a reminder that republican principles must come before religious beliefs. The charter strictly condemns political Islam and any foreign intervention in the management of mosques. But French leaders Milli Görüs accused the state of “interference in the Muslim cult” and political manipulation of Islam. They complain that they were not consulted at all in drafting the book and that Milli Görüs is unjustly accused of being “less Republican” than other Muslim organizations for refraining from signing them. Those cautious about Moshi Görüs’ leadership of the mosque also cite links between the group and the ruling AKP of Turkish President Tayyip Erdoğan. This has raised concerns about the possibility of the Turkish government interfering in French socio-political affairs. These fears of foreign intervention reflect a major political change in France in recent decades regarding the way it perceives foreign links with French Muslim organizations. Prior to the 1990s, the French state encouraged such relations in an attempt, some argued, to maintain “foreign” Islam. But that has changed with the growing public presence of Islam in France amid suspicions of foreign manipulation after 9/11. Until 2016, the then prime minister, Manuel Valls, called for a ban on external funding for mosques. This ethos continued with the provisions of the recent French Republican bill that requires strict declarations on any foreign funding for religious organizations and gives authorities the opportunity to ban any donations if there is sufficient evidence of a “serious threat affecting a fundamental interest of society.” . “From this point of view, the allocation of state funds to subsidize a foreign-linked mosque seems to run counter to efforts to encourage a” Islam of France “that is more integrated into the secular values of French republican republics. Mosques, moderation and Islamophobia Of course, there are those who do not want more mosques in France, no matter how they are funded, stimulated by erroneous confusion between radicalization, Islamist separatism and places of worship. But research in the United States has shown that attending mosques is often an indicator of greater “social and political integration” and civic engagement. Mosques are not just places of worship. These are meeting places, cultural centers, educational centers, community information centers, interfaith facilitators, social resource centers and even sometimes places for non-Muslims to learn about Islam. This is especially true for “grand mosques”, such as the Grand Mosque in Paris or the Grand Mosque in Lyon, where space is deliberately allocated for public visits, educational programs and community events. After visiting the Milli Görüs centers in France and talking to some of their members, principals and school officials, I think these mosques seem to fit the same community and civic engagement profile. Regardless, many French politicians and ordinary citizens believe that the secular principles underlying French society must be protected from a growing “Islamist threat.” The sentiment is particularly high in the long run until the 2022 election, when President Macron may try to appeal to anti-immigrant voters to limit the power of the far right. In such an environment, those looking for Islamist threats seem to find them everywhere. Such fears have seen scholars studying Islam and Islamophobia accused of promoting an Islamo-left agenda, the dissolution of the nation’s largest anti-Islamophobia organization, and home school parents accused of radicalizing young Muslims. The controversy surrounding the Strasbourg mosque has obvious geopolitical foundations and is clearly part of the dominant political narratives of protecting France’s secular principles. But it also fits into the popular Islamophobic rhetoric of a pervasive Islamist threat – rhetoric that prevents French Muslim citizens from finding community and belonging in France, either in mosques or elsewhere. [3 media outlets, 1 religion newsletter. Get stories from The Conversation, AP and RNS.] This article is republished from The Conversation, a non-profit news site dedicated to exchanging ideas from university experts. It was written by: Carol Ferrara, Emerson College. Read more: Beheading in France could strengthen the president’s claim that Islam is in “crisis” – but also French secularism Muslim schools are allies in France’s fight against radicalization – not the cause Carol Ferrara does not work, does not consult, does not hold shares or not receives funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article and has not disclosed any relevant affiliation beyond their academic appointment.